현재 해석중인데.. 해석이 안되는 부분이 많아서 도움을 요청합니당...
혹시 시간이 되시면 해석좀 부탁드리겠습니다.
Margarita Simonyan, the editor in chief of the RT network, places her head in her hands and lets out a groan at the question she has heard so many times before: Does the Kremlin influence her coverage? She admits that her network shows a worldview that is “defined by certain principles expressed by the state, by representatives of the Russian state.” But she claims not to see how that makes RT any less objective than an independent Western broadcaster. “No one shows objective reality,” she says, sitting in her office in Moscow, just across the river from the Kremlin. “The Western media are not objective, reality-based news sources.”
Simonyan has spent her career at the intersection of journalism and propaganda. In 2002, she got a job as a reporter for state TV in Moscow, assigned to the Kremlin pool, the huddle of journalists that follows and transmits Putin’s every public utterance. Within a few years, she had distinguished herself enough in that role to be given the top job—at the age of 25—at the newly established Russia Today network, which changed its name to RT four years later.
In 2012, when Putin announced his plan to return to the presidency after a four-year term as Prime Minister, Simonyan became directly involved in politics, joining the staff of Putin’s election team in Moscow and helping campaign for his landslide victory—while remaining in her job at RT. Asked the following year how she avoided a conflict of interest between her campaign role and her position as a journalist, she told an interviewer that she wasn’t sure, adding, “I’ve managed.”
At the end of 2013 she was awarded the job of editor in chief of Rossiya Segodnya, the Kremlin’s newly formed media conglomerate. Headquartered in a sprawling complex of gray concrete on Moscow’s Zubovsky Boulevard, the agency consolidated some of the state’s vast holdings in the information industry, including news wires, radio stations and, as of last November, an international multimedia agency called Sputnik, which puts out news in 12 languages, among them Chinese, Hindi and Turkish. Of all those brands, RT is by far the most powerful in delivering the Kremlin’s version of news to the world.
Simonyan, now 34, bristles at suggestions that her media empire is not editorially independent. Is it possible, for instance, that someone from the Kremlin might call her up and demand that she not broadcast a particular story? “How can you imagine such a thing?” she asks, looking genuinely hurt.
And yet on her desk sits an old yellow telephone, a government landline, the sort with no dial pad, the sort usually seen in the offices of senior Russian officials. It is her secure connection, she admits, directly to the Kremlin. What’s it for, then, if not to talk shop? “The phone exists,” she says, “to discuss secret things.”
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